Notes

2. Extensive war poster collections in Manuscripts and Archives, Yale University Libraries, in Trinity College, Dublin, and in the National Army Museum, London, do not contain any poster meeting Bloom's description. Available evidence indicates that though some pictorial posters were in use as early as 1780, and though their use became widespread beginning in 1890, it was not until World War I that the image came to dominate the poster's simple slogan. Earlier posters showing uniforms showed only one style of uniform per poster and therefore would not have featured "soldiers of all arms on display." I am indebted to Michael B. Ball of the National Army Museum for this information. Thanks also to Charles Benson, Keeper of Early Printed Books, Trinity College Library, Dublin.

3. As valuable exceptions I would cite Robert E. Spoo, "'Nestor' and the Nightmare: The Presence of the Great War in Ulysses," Twentieth Century Literature, Vol. 32, No. 2 (Summer 1986), who writes provocatively about the superimposition of time frames in Ulysses; and W. J. McCormack, "Nightmares of History: James Joyce and the Phenomenon of Anglo-Irish Literature," in James Joyce and Modern Literature, eds. McCormack and Stead, who is acute on the ways in which "the process of composition itself is historicised" in Ulysses (5).

4. Ellmann, quoting and commenting on the diary of Joyce's language pupil, Georges Borach, for August 1, 1917, in James Joyce 416-17. The description of Bloom is on page 5.

5. The first phrase is from the Borach diary, which also refers to "recruiting officers"; the detail of "the Greek recruiting sergeant" comes from Frank Budgen's version in James Joyce and the Making of "Ulysses," 15-18.

6. Although during these years Joyce remained in Zurich (itself bombarded with propaganda from all sides), his mock-heroic battle with Henry Carr and the British Consulate over a pair of trousers acted out his resistance to the British Empire while transforming his neutral haven into a litigious war zone, complete with threat of conscription from Consul-General Bennett. See Ellmann, James Joyce, 440-41, and Selected Letters, ed. Ellmann, 439-40.

7. Budgen, James Joyce and the Making of "Ulysses", 18.

8. Ibid., 196. Jean-Michel Rabaté, James Joyce, Authorized Reader (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1991), has Joyce responding "proudly": "I have written Ulysses. And you?" (8). Rabaté's wording, which probably derives from Tom Stoppard's Travesties, captures my sense of the tone perfectly. Stoppard's Joyce responds to the question, "And what did you do in the Great War?" with a tart "I wrote Ulysses . . . What did you do? Bloody nerve" (65). Stoppard very likely invented the counter-question. The differences between Stoppard and Rabaté no doubt result from Rabaté's retranslation from his own French: "J'ai ecrit Ulysses. Et vous?" I thank Tom Whitaker for the Stoppard connection and the translation conjecture.

9. Gandelman, Reading Pictures, Viewing Texts (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1991), 33. Sontag, "Posters: Advertisement, Art, Political Artifact, Commodity," Introduction to Dugald Stermer, The Art of Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1970), vii, x. I thank Garrett Stewart for the Gandelman reference.

10. Given that most analytic models of postcolonialism are grounded in the breakup of empire following World War II, it may not be appropriate to use the same models to discuss Ireland's quite different historical circumstances. The alternative approach I undertake here is influenced by James Clifford's understanding of modern ethnographic subjectivity in terms of "discrepant cosmopolitanisms." See his "Traveling Cultures" in Cultural Studies, eds. Lawrence Grossberg, Cary Nelson, and Paula A. Treicher (New York: Routledge, 1992). Like Clifford, I wish to strip the term of its connotations of worldly leisure and to avoid invoking the history of socialism associated with "internationalism."

11. For Fanon, see The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Press, 1963), 247-48. Fanon's argument is directed against nationalists who encourage insularity and marxists/socialists who argue for skipping over national consciousness in order to arrive more quickly at a utopian international order. The International Review is quoted by Manganiello, Joyce's Politics, 151.

12. In the Persian Gulf war, for instance, it was many months before the American public was told that an alleged Iraqi atrocity -- the notorious incubator incident in which Kuwaiti babies were said to have been thrown to the floor by invading Iraqis -- never happened: the story, frequently cited during the Senate war authorization debate, was disseminated by Hill and Knowlton, an international public relations firm hired by a Washington-based Kuwaiti citizens' group. See John R. MacArthur, Second Front: Censorship and Propaganda in the Gulf War (New York: Hill and Wang, 1992), chapter two.

13. For the expression, see the epigraph to Phillip Knightly, The First Casualty: From Crimea to Vietnam: The War Correspondent as Hero, Propagandist, and Myth Maker (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1975), which credits it to Senator Hiram Johnson in 1917; for the German debt to the British institutionalization of propaganda, see chapters five and ten. See also Meiron Harries and Susie Harries, The War Artists: British Official War Art of the Twentieth Century (London: Michael Joseph, 1983).

14. For bibliography and illustrated commentary on the history of the poster, see, in addition to the sources cited elsewhere in this essay, Maurice Rickards, The Rise and Fall of the Poster (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971) and his Posters of the First World War (New York: Walker, 1968). John Barnicoat's A Concise History of Posters: 1870-1970 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1972) is beautifully illustrated, wide-ranging, and authoritative. For the influence on posters of the art of the "silhouette" and Japanese prints, and for the enabling technologies of lithography and the high-speed printing press, see Harold E. Hutchinson, The Poster: An Illustrated History from 1860 (New York: Viking, 1968), 10-12. For an informative early study, see Charles Hiatt, Picture Posters (London: George Bell, 1896). To my knowledge, no book on posters studies Ireland.

15. At Yale traces of the continuing regulation dynamic are inscribed all over campus in the University signs prohibiting unauthorized posting placed in the English Department, the residential colleges, and the libraries. The attempt to restrain the spread of posters over all available public surfaces is visible also in the installation of sidewalk kiosks and in huge notice boards located outside the university post office. In a meeting of Yale's Committee on Undergraduate Organizations a letter from the head of custodial services was read aloud decrying the loss of money and man-hours spent cleaning up after "the poster devil"; we weighed the merits of free speech (a university lawyer was present), the aesthetics of the campus, the possible efficacy of more kiosks, of withdrawing student funding for poster production; we also noted the logic of transgression whereby the most effective poster is placed where it is most prohibited, learned that the average half-life of a poster on campus is 45 minutes and that to prolong a poster's life it's necessary to deface it in order to discourage collecting. We adjourned for lunch, taking no action.

16. For one example of resistance to the leveling of cultural hierarchies, see Rickards, The Rise and Fall of the Poster, who recounts that Sir John Millais initially became "apoplectic" (18) when Thomas Barratt, manager of Pears' Soap, asked permission in 1885 to use a Millais painting as a commercial poster. Equally important, of course, is that Barratt triumphed; the poster is reprinted in Alexandre, The Modern Poster. For Kauffer's work with Hitchcock, see Donald Spoto, The Dark Side of Genius: The Life of Alfred Hitchcock (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1983), 89.

17. Forster, Anonymity: An Enquiry (London: Hogarth Press, 1925), 10, 11.

18. Thus the aggressiveness of the poster image also links up with the latent coercion in Joseph Conrad's often quoted remarks about his goals as a self-consciously modern novelist: "My task . . . is, by the power of the written word to make you hear, to make you feel -- it is, before all, to make you see!"  Conrad, Preface to The Nigger of the "Narcissus", xlii. In the original, typographic emphasis falls only on "see." I am indebted also to Aaron Fogel, Coercion to Speak: Conrad's Poetics of Dialogue (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1985), for helping me hear the coerciveness that my added emphasis throws into relief.

19. For a provocative treatment of "the congruity between the modern city and the printed book" in Joyce, see Hugh Kenner, The Mechanic Muse (New York: Oxford, 1987), chapter four, who observes that cheap single-volume novels became available only with the invention of linotype in 1884. The mass production of modern posters became possible only with the conjunction of lithography and high-speed presses around 1848.

20. Hutchinson, The Poster, notes that with World War I pictorial posters became "essential weapons of mass persuasion in the new science of psychological warfare" and that many "distinguished academic painters [were] eager to lend their talents to the war effort" (70).

21. The quotation from The Billposter, and the Conan Doyle, also from The Billposter, are from Allen, History of a Family Firm, 224.

22. Aiming to promote enlistment late in the Boer war, the British army had begun to allow soldiers to leave their barracks at night to roam the streets, and Gonne's Daughters of Ireland, a Gaelicist cultural organization, tried to discourage Irish women from "consorting with the soldiers of the enemy of their country"; Arthur Griffith's pacifist paper, the United Irishman, was among those which received the issue in the spring of 1904 when the army refused the Dublin Corporation's demand that the soldiers be restricted.  Don Gifford, "Ulysses" Annotated, quotes from the leaflet (86) and notes how the issue was revived. See also Stephen Watt, Joyce, O'Casey, and the Irish Popular Theater (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse Univ. Press, 1991), 62.

23. Indeed, as G. A. McCoy has put it, "we may speak of the Irish struggle of modern times as one to remove the crown from above the harp and to place the harp itself on a green field instead of a blue"; quoted from Hayes-McCoy's A History of Irish Flags by Bill Rolston, Politics and Painting: Murals and Conflict in Northern Ireland (Cranbury, NJ: Associated Univ. Presses, 1991), 71. For useful information on the production, distribution, and print-run of posters, as well as specific commentary on a few posters, including the urban parade poster, see Mark Tierney, Paul Bowen, and David Fitzpatrick, "Recruiting Posters," in Ireland and the First World War, ed. David Fitzpatrick (Dublin: the Lilliput Press and Trinity History Workshop, 1988).

24. In "Wandering Rocks," the place that Ned Lambert describes as "the most historic spot in all Dublin" (10.409), the council chamber of Saint Mary's Abbey, is scheduled to be photographed by another visitor, the Anglican cleric and landlord, the Reverend Hugh C. Love.

25. Berger and others, Ways of Seeing (London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1972), 139.

26. See Cairns and Richards, Writing Ireland:  Colonialism, Nationalism and Culture (Manchester, Eng.: Manchester Univ. Press, 1988), 50-51, 66-67, 71, 85-86. For less polemical treatment, see the essays in Views of the Irish Peasantry, 1800-1916, eds. Daniel J. Cassy and Robert E. Rhodes (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1977). For a more recent reappropriation of the WWI peasant woman, this time as the incarnation of Ulster, see the color reproduction of a 1988 mural, between pp. 32 and 33, in Rolston, Politics and Painting.

27. A writer in The Spark (March 5, 1916), in a passage that easily could have been an interpolation in "Cyclops," has great satiric fun with Redmond's claim that one minutely detailed map used a four-inch scale by pointing out that if four inches equalled one mile, the map would have been twenty-nine by twenty-five yards and thus of sufficient size, once removed from the Prussian pocket, to provide sleeping accommodations for two hundred, including tents, ground cloths, and a marquee; folded up the map would have served well as armor.

28. I am indebted to Ian Baucom's unpublished seminar essay, "The Post in Modernism" for theorizing the place of postcards within Ulysses's invocation of modern transcultural exchange and for his discussion of commodities as complex sites of both resistance to and hegemonic imposition of empire.

29. See L. Perry Curtis, Apes and Angels: The Irishman in Victorian Caricature (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1971). For a more wide-ranging treatment of colonial misrepresentation, see Richard Ned Lebow, White Britain and Black Ireland: The Influence of Stereotypes on Colonial Policy (Philadelphia, PA: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1976); Lebow does not discuss recruiting posters.

30. By producing poster-mannequins that effectively sublate the history of Irish-English misrepresentation, posters featuring the commodified attractiveness of the hero perfectly execute the homogenizing function that Seamus Deane, himself eliding the differences between Ulysses and the discourse of advertising it engages, erroneously attributes to Ulysses. See Deane, "Heroic Styles: the Tradition of an Idea," in Field Day Theatre Company, Ireland's Field Day (London: Hutchinson, 1985).

31. Sontag, "Posters," vii.

32. See Hayman, "James Joyce, Paratactician," Contemporary Literature, Vol. 26, No. 2 (1985), 165-66. Though Hayman focuses on parataxis in purely formal terms throughout Joyce's oeuvre, his comments on the paratactic opening of Portrait momentarily effect a convergence of our arguments: "It establishes a principle of statement by means of ellipses, of accentuated absences, advertising precisely those spaces that are so conveniently plastered over in rigorously hypotactic texts and thus proclaiming the reader's presence as producer and the reading as production" (157 -- emphasis added). I address reading as production in Ulysses later in this essay.

33. For the influence of Picasso and Braque on verbal montage, see Marjorie Perloff, The Futurist Moment: Avant-Garde, Avant Guerre, and the Language of Rupture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 45. Joyce's Scissors and Paste-like attention in Ulysses to the circulation and transformation of information through the mass media belies Fredric Jameson's claim that in the "great village which is Joyce's Dublin" gossip dominates the networks of communication to the virtual exclusion of modern forms of mass communication. See his "Ulysses in History," in James Joyce and Modern Literature, eds. McCormack and Stead.

34. Herr, Joyce's Anatomy of Culture, who discusses Scissors and Paste in the context of censorship and the Irish press, was the first to note the allusion; Herr also links the structure of "Aeolus" more generally to the newspaper but does not emphasize the material procedures of assembling and arranging (chapter two).

35. Pound's letter of June 1918 is quoted by Ellmann, James Joyce, 459. My understanding of Pound's imagism is indebted to Hugh Kenner, The Pound Era (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1971), 173-91.

36. See Zizek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (London: Verso, 1989), 87-97.

37. According to the notes in Trinity College Library (Dublin), the Proclamation later became the proud possession of a Major Tamworth, whose widow sold it to Trinity in 1970.

38. See Althusser, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses," in Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays.

39. This paragraph is indebted to Dollimore's clear-eyed discussion of the politics of containment in Sexual Dissidence: Augustine to Wilde, Freud to Foucault (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 81-91. For a discussion and application of Paul Smith's rethinking of Althusser's concept of interpellation in Discerning the Subject, see also my "Reading Ulysses: Agency, Ideology, and the Novel," in Joyce and the Subject of History.

40. The implication, of course, is that someone with the clap wants pills sent for relief. As usual, Joyce's selection of detail invokes broader historical currents: the British government imposed only one new control on advertising during the war, the Venereal Diseases Act of 1917, which banned advertising connected to "any condition associated with sexual indulgence." See T. R. Nevett, Advertising in Britain: A History (London: Heinemann, 1982), 143. The composition history of Ulysses suggests that Bloom is remembering rather than imagining the transgression: Joyce inserted the phrase "Some chap with a dose burning him" just after "POST 110 BILLS," as if to indicate Bloom's surmise about the perpetrator of this détournement. Ironically, Joyce himself had to correct the inscribed revision of the prohibition in proofs. See The James Joyce Archive, ed. Michael Groden (New York: Garland, 1978), vol. 18, pp. 90, 98.

41. Herr, Joyce's Anatomy of Culture, 205-6.

42. See Thomas E. Lewis, "Aesthetic Effect/Ideological Effect," Enclitic, Vol. 7, No. 3 (Fall 1983), who analyzes the problem of preserving the aesthetic in Althusser, Lukàcs, Macherey, and Eagleton before arguing that the only solution for a rigorous marxism is to abandon the distinction altogether. Not bound to marxist rigor, the rest of my argument attempts to map an alternative position.

43. Jay, "Hierarchy and the Humanities: The Radical Implications of a Conservative Idea," Telos, No. 62 (Winter 1984-85), 144.

44. See Bürger, Theory of the Avant-Garde, esp. 53, 80-82.

45. Ellmann, James Joyce, 513.

46. See Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1984), 5.

47. Ellmann, James Joyce, 697.

48. In a letter to Harriet Shaw Weaver (August 6, 1919), Joyce used "initial style" to designate the narrative mode for which floundering readers of "Sirens," including Weaver and Pound, would feel nostalgic. My characterization of this mode is indebted to Hugh Kenner's fine discussion in Joyce's Voices (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), chapter two. For a more extensive reading of Joyce's critique of Stephen's fantasies of autonomy, see my "Stephen/Joyce, Joyce/Haacke: Modernism and the Social Function of Art," ELH 62 (1995) (Available on-line through the Johns Hopkins Muse Project.)

49. I am aware that various critics have read Joyce's interior monologue in Ulysses as a dissolving of individuality in the effluvia of capitalist production, among them Franco Moretti, who claims (following Umberto Eco) that in Joyce's interior monologue distinctions between inside and outside collapse and so extinguish the space of autonomous subjectivity. See Signs Taken for Wonders, 194-95. While there is analytic truth to Moretti's claim, the immediate effect of interior monologue gives the impressions that characters think themselves into existence, or author themselves, under the reader's eye.

50. The brilliant mimetic effect of the episode as read aloud by, say, Siobhan McKenna, elides the very different experience of hesitation, conjecture, and backtracking as the reader tries to produce the fluidity made available by a practiced dramatic voicing. For a sustained exploration of the foregrounding of textuality in "Penelope," see Derek Attridge, "Molly's Flow: The Writing of 'Penelope' and the Question of Women's Language," Modern Fiction Studies, Vol. 35 No. 3 (Autumn 1989), who also draws attention to the typographic display of numerals and crossed out letters as contributing to textualized quality of Molly's voice.

51. Kiberd, "Anglo-Irish Attitudes," in Ireland's Field Day: Field Day Theatre Company (London: Hutchinson, 1985), 83. Kiberd does not address the issue of the relative power of each country to regulate representations of national identity; the persistence of negative Irish stereotypes today is only one legacy of England's imperial advantage.

52. Since formulating this argument I have come across the corroborating argument of Astradur Eysteinsson, The Concept of Modernism (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1990), who argues in chapter five for the centrality in modernism of an "aesthetics of interruption."

53. That many recruiting posters also suggest collage techniques underscores the point that politics do not inhere in a particular form of representation but in the uses to which those forms are put. Walter Benjamin, like Sergei Eisenstein on montage, claimed an intrinsically liberating power for collage and other strategies of aesthetic dislocation at a time when technically advanced art could still seem revolutionary simply by virtue of being advanced; prior, that is, to the media saturation of post-industrial society. See Fredric Jameson's Afterword to Aesthetics and Politics, esp. 207-8. For Benjamin, see "The Author as Producer" (1937), in The Essential Frankfurt School Reader, eds. Andrew Arato and Eike Gebhardg (New York: Continuum, 1988), 266-67. For Eisenstein, see "The Image in Process" (1939), in The Modern Tradition, eds. Richard Ellmann and Charles Feidelson, Jr. (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1965).

54. Quoted from James Joyce: The Critical Heritage, ed. Robert H. Deming (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970), I, 253. The other reviews quoted in this paragraph are excerpted in the same volume, pp. 193, 208, 232.

55. C. C. Martindale in the Dublin Review (1922); ibid., 205.

56. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983), 28-40.

57. Compare Clifford, "Traveling Cultures," 108.